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October 6, 2002 - Central Park, New York City

July 2010 – The election of Barack Obama as President of the United States has laid bare a number of weaknesses in the peace and anti-war movements. Perhaps most notable is our lack of numbers of people who identify as part of our movements and are willing to take open action to protest the wars. As a result, the movements are weakened and many people within the movements are understandably frustrated. This frustration and disappointment has been ongoing for nearly 2 years now, as protest numbers fell starting during the presidential election and dwindling further by the time of  ANSWER’s Iraq War invasion commemoration DC protest and United for Peace and Justice’s “Beyond War: Another Economy is Possible” demonstration in March and April 2009, respectively.

There has been a long line of analysis as to why people haven’t hit the streets against the war in the same numbers as when President Bush was in office. Some articles and statements deride the peace movement for not protesting with Democrats in power. To me, this accusation does not have  merit; the core of the movement has continued to protest, engage in civil disobedience and pressure elected officials. That never ceased.  Nevertheless, the number of overall protestors has clearly shrunk; here are my top four reasons why.

September 29, 2001 - Washington DC

Most of the people who hit the streets with us were uncomfortable with war, but did not see themselves as part of the peace movement. Rather, their involvement was motivated by overall frustration with domestic politics, and what they saw and many still see as Republicans leading an assault on progressive political gains of the 60’s and 70s, and acting as obstacles to current struggles for equal rights. People who are engaged in or supporters of the rights of immigrants, women, people of color, LGBTQ, free speech, labor, environmental, separation of Church and state and other progressive struggles vented their frustration and anger with government, specifically Bush led Republican policies. They expressed their feelings together via mobilizations organized by A.N.S.W.E.R. and UFPJ.  The occupation of Iraq was the easiest issue around which to unite against the President as he was most vulnerable on the wars. In Afghanistan the only significant news of success was the initial defeat of the Taliban, but no capture of Osama bin Laden. With all the efforts to legitimize the war in Iraq, it was still nearly indefensible and going very badly. Setting politics aside, people who protested with us genuinely did not and I think still do not feel good about the wars, but now their primary motivation for resistance has shifted from war to immediate economic considerations like jobs, education and housing.

Elizabeth Caddy Staton

Frederick Douglas

People are tired of negativity and protesting. Fear of the future and xenophobia is not a tendency of the left. The left is built on optimism and tolerance. Nearly eight years of anger and frustration created a pent-up need to feel good and have fun. The close race between Senators Obama and Clinton and Obama’s eventual election to the White House presents a challenge for current progressive political struggles and a validation of past struggles. The Democrat’s primary race and Obama’s election were great events because of their historical and symbolic meaning. The struggles to abolish slavery, to then gain voting rights for women and Blacks, and to change the general perception of women and Blacks, saw huge fruit that caused jubilation.  So whether it was Barack or Hillary in office, people would have a similar outlook on protesting. They wanted to give the new President a chance to clean up the mess left by the Bush administration and some time to keep his campaign promises. This does not mean people accept the wars, but believing a brighter day was at hand after the darkness of the previous years, our allies engaged the President and tried to press him on their individual issues believing they would gain headway.

Obama, being the first Black President represents part of the vision put forth by leaders in the struggle for equal rights and equal access for all people. He represents the ideal of equality and the myth of U.S. American egalitarianism. Obama uses the rhetoric of past Black civil rights leaders to bolster his position by framing his presidency in that context. As a result of the historical realities of White racism, Black struggle and Obama’s oratory skills, he began his presidency with a larger than normal reservoir of good will from Americana. He also faces backlash from the rising Tea Party movement and far right quarters which creates a highly visible squeeze on him. This also helps give him political space on the left as people do not want to be seen as sympathetic with reactionaries. Obama and his family are very likeable, esthetically pleasing and present a wonderful image. These are important factors compounding why people have been resistant to openly protest the wars.

January 27, 2007 - Washington DC

The anti-war and peace movements made some mistakes that contribute to where we find ourselves now. Our rhetoric made the wars too much about Bush and not U.S. foreign policy. In our defense, the people wanted to focus on Bush and we followed their lead.

Our contrast and comparisons of Afghanistan and Iraq left too much space for the Good War scenario. Once again in our defense, then and now most people think military operations in Afghanistan to capture or kill Osama bin Laden seem reasonable because they believe al Qaeda led by bin Laden in Afghanistan attacked the U.S. The Bush Administration used September 11 as an excuse to invade Iraq, which for many was a distraction. With the peace movement’s limited resources and public anger about the Sep 11 attacks, I am not sure it was possible to wage a relevant effort to challenge U.S. presence in Afghanistan and dismantle the Administration’s lies connecting Iraq to al Qaeda and the Sep 11 attacks.

We did a great job of keeping the wars visible and making clear the connections between scarce resources and war spending. However, we did a bad job of developing political drive around this awareness. We did not provide a credible alternative vision or sufficient modeling to help people believe there is a better way than war.

Setting the Stage for the Future

September 2001 - DC

The anti-war and peace movements have been working hard to analyze why protest has subsided and what to do about it. We have made considerable progress in re-establishing our political presence. We may no longer have the same numbers willing to hit the streets, but the anti–war sentiment created by our efforts continues to affect politics. As I said before, because the average person believes al Qaeda attacked the U.S., people see logic in the invasion of Afghanistan. But people are weary of war.  They are more skeptical than ever of U.S. foreign policy due in great part to our consistent challenges of the official reasons for the wars and our echo chamber of information that contradicts the rosy picture painted of their progress. USA Today reported in a January 2002 poll, 6% of respondents called the war a mistake. A March 2009 poll showed 42% of respondents saying the invasion was a mistake (see same USA Today article for both polls). A June 2010 USA Today poll shows when asked, “Do you favor or oppose this timetable?” for the U.S. to leave Afghanistan, 58% favor the timetable. Newsweek and ABC News/ Washington Post poll both report 53% against the war and a May CNN poll shows 56%. The same ABC/Washington Post poll reporting 53% against the war also reports only 39% think the U.S. is losing. This indicates a good number of people who are against the war also believe the U.S. is winning and want the policy to change for reasons other than failure or success. I do not want to overstate the significance these numbers, but it could be a measure of people examining wider U.S. foreign policy rather each war in isolation. (For polling follow this link)

The most profound factor affecting the political landscape at this time is the anemic world economy. The “recovery” appears to be weak with at best a slow increase in employment and high government debt.  Millions of individuals and families continue to struggle to keep their heads above the waters of financial ruin. Others may never work again. The economic pressure has the potential to overwhelm all other political realities. Our groundwork over the years is helping more and more people facing these conditions take a critical look at war spending.  (See: Pentagon Spending on Chopping Block)

Although our domestic allies continue to engage government piecemeal, the leaders and organizers understand that no matter their feelings of hope or disappointment with the current administration, a peoples’ movement must emerge to force change. The 2010 U.S. Social Forum in Detroit brought together thousand of grassroots activist across a wide spectrum of struggles. It was a unique opportunity for activists to step outside their lanes and cross fertilize, beginning the process of visioning strategies to shape our common future.

Mass Mobilization in Washington DC, October 2, 2010

A direct example of struggles stepping outside of their lanes to build a peoples’ movement will be the October 2nd One Nation mobilization in Washington D.C. Called by the leaders of the NAACP, SEIU 1199, Center for Community Change, National Council of La Raza, the United States Student Association and PowerPAC.org, they ask us to join them on a march to demand jobs, education investment, affordable housing, immigration reform and a shift of resources from war to human needs.

What now?

What should the anti-war and peace movements do to forward our goals? We must continue to do many of the same things we have always done. We must keep the wars visible. With so few U.S. Americans bearing the direct burden of the wars, the wars and the soldiers fighting them are nearly out of sight, out of mind. Not feeling and seeing the cost confront them in their living rooms, kitchens and bedrooms; it is easy for people to believe the wars are proceeding well and rationalize them as necessary. Vigils, protest of all sizes, direct action and demanding redress from all levels of government are essential. With people focused on immediate challenges to find a job, save their home and make ends meet, the importance of our efforts to keep the wars in the public eye is greater than ever.

Eight years of protest, while exhausting, were also an exercise in resistance. However fleeting, we and our allies felt our collective potential and saw the impact it had on national politics. For a time, anti-war/peace activist gained the initiative in forwarding our goals. It was expended by the efforts and money plowed into 2006 midterm campaigns and subsequent inaction to end the wars by the then new Democrat led Congress. The 2008 Clinton and Obama campaigns and the economic downturn further eroded our position. But the campaigns brought millions of people into the political process. For a time, Clinton and Obama supporters felt their collective potential as reflected in the phrase, “Yes, we can”. We all long to feel that potential again in our efforts to see the changes we seek come into fruition.

Iraq War protest on January 27, 2007 in Washington, D.C. organized by United for Peace and Justice.

After their disappointing issue by issue efforts to engage government, our allies sensing the need to unite are ready to hit the streets again, but this time around domestic issues with jobs at the forefront. We must join together to build a people’s movement, but this time the war will not be the center of organizing efforts. We will not be in the lead. Nevertheless our focus on war and U.S. Imperialism is central to our domestic problems. We must provide relevant and timely information to our allies about the huge waste of money, material and human resources on war that should be invested in people. We must introduce the understanding that the wars are a symptom of a failed and immoral foreign policy of global hegemony. National security begins with domestic security and is ensured by international security; when nations feel safe in good relations with their neighbors and not in fear of domination by great powers be it China, Russia or the U.S. We must do a better in job of turning our rhetoric connecting domestic economic issues to war issues into common strategy and action with our domestic allies. This means we must listen and find ways to be in support of economic and other struggles with our message.

Abraham Johannes Muste and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi

But perhaps our most important task is to envision and model a better world, a better way to solve conflicts and a more sustainable way to live. This includes how we interact and relate to each other as individuals, as philosophical and political rivals in our movements, and yes, even to war mongers and our detractors. Gandhi said, “Be the change you want to see in the world,” and A.J. Muste said, “There is no way to peace, peace is the way,” both speak directly to the process needed to end wars and find peace. And guess what? We have total control of this approach to change. We need no one to join or agree with us. It is an individual challenge and journey. It is the toughest but most relevant and rewarding action to take.

I will see you in the streets, and on the road of peace.

Across the country people are hurting from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression. Our nation’s economy teeters on the brink of a double dip recession. Unemployment remains close to 10 % with additional millions unemployed and millions more who have simply given up searching for a job. Cities and municipalities around the nation have lost tax revenue forcing officials to close schools and parks, layoff workers, and

One of thousands of abandon buildings in Detroit.

discontinue or reduce important sometimes life saving services.  Cities are rapidly deteriorating as more and more businesses close and homes are foreclosed. There is no one to take care of these empty buildings, so they stand lifeless and begin to crumble. The nation is in fiscal disorder as we continue to run record deficits and an ever growing debt.  In an effort to curtail expenditures, the President has pledged to freeze spending for everything but the military because national security is a top priority. But national security begins at home and more and more people are feeling insecure every day.

Detroit Emergency Medical Technicians fighting layoffs reducing the city to 12 ambulances.

Detroit Emergency Medical Technicians fight layoffs reducing the city to 13 ambulances.

The over 1 trillion dollars spent on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are certainly not helping our domestic economic security. The money seems to be at best partially if not wholly wasted in efforts to secure foreign policy security aims as a political solution is not insight in Afghanistan and solutions in Iraq are in the hands of the Iraqis with U.S. troop presence being a point of anger for key sections of the population.

A better economy calls for fiscal responsibility and domestic investment in human needs that will also result in new sustainable jobs. We must spend money to reorient our economy on a path of environmental sustainability, a healthy population and global competitiveness. Military spending is the largest portion of the U.S. federal budget and nearly half the world’s total expenditure. In 2008 total world’s spending was$1.47 trillion with the U.S. portion at $711 billion or 48%. U.S 2010 military budget us $719 billion with increases to $739 billion projected. We cannot continue to allow military spending to dominate our budget and at the same time invest in a bright future. Security and defense is essential, but a new foreign policy, much less reliant on military bases and war with cooperation and pursuit of solving global environmental and human needs challenges at its center is the only way to ensure global security and economic growth. Right now we have a war economy. How is it working for you?

Veterans For Peace, ” How Is The War Economy Working For You?” Why drop the banner?

Veterans For Peace, ” How Is The War Economy Working For You?” banner drop.

” How Is The War Economy Working For Detroit?” Ask the EMTs and the people they serve.

By Tom Hayden, This article originally appeared in The Huffington Post.

Barack Obama has faced peril before, particularly during the controversy over Rev. Jeremiah Wright last year, but the crisis he faces now is more systemic.

The wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan cost at least 541 American lives in the past year, and the overall total will pass 1,000 this month and likely double before 2012. The unfunded taxpayer cost of Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan during Obama’s first year was $119.1 billion, and Afghanistan alone will become another trillion-dollar war under his administration.

Obama may succeed in withdrawing 100,000 American troops from Iraq this year, and the rest by 2012. But even this goal faces opposition from the Green Zone to the Beltway, and any peace dividend will be swallowed by Afghanistan and the Long War.

This is an unspoken reason for the growing budget and economic crisis Obama will address in tonight’s State of the Union address. Like Lyndon Johnson, Obama will learn too late that the spending on war will devour his domestic agenda and long-term dreams.

But Obama’s crisis is not about a mistaken tactical choice about priorities. He could not have reached the presidency without promising to win the war against al Qaeda, even if they no longer were in Afghanistan. He couldn’t afford to “lose” two wars.

The more general crisis is that he is trapped between the social movements that meant so much to his winning the presidency and the stubborn Machiavellians who command the corporate and military heights of power.

Obama is losing his left constituency, who unfortunately seem to think if he only “fights harder” and “stands up” he will blow away these Machiavellian interests like someone blowing out their birthday candles. They haven’t seen the US Senate lately.

He is losing independents too, because the economic recession was addressed only with a limited stimulus package and Wall Street bailouts that incredibly left the middle and working classes out, then was followed by a trillion-dollar health care package including cuts in Medicare.

And, oh yes, the Copenhagen debacle buried for now the bright future of green jobs.

Besides losing progressives and independents, Obama also has managed to consolidate the Republican right, and can only hope that they will splinter on their way to greater power this November and beyond.

How did this happen? Because to win the presidency, Obama had to give Afghanistan to the Pentagon, the bailouts to Wall Street, the energy agenda to the oil and gas companies, and health care to the undemocratic US Senate and their insurance company patrons.

What he should say tonight is that the first year has been about the question of whether the special interests in Washington heard the message of change in 2008, and he should tell the American people that the answer has been No.

But he cannot say what he knows, because he thinks — correctly, I believe — that he can be driven from office by a defeat in Afghanistan, a flight of capital from Wall Street, a manufactured energy crisis, or the rise of inflation.

Gen. Stanley McChrystal crossed the military-civilian line to push Obama for more troops, threatening military failure if the president didn’t come through. Behind McChrystal has been Gen. David Petraeus, a presidential candidate all but waiting in the wings.

Obama advisers confided to allies around the country that they felt threatened by Wall Street with an overseas flight of capital if taxes or regulations were too steep. They felt they couldn’t afford the political risk.

They dismissed Sarah Palin and the Tea Party as nuts, then gave them the oxygen of economic populism.

I remember meeting President Jimmy Carter in the White House in the Seventies, and asking him this question: “Mr. President, do you believe that the unelected multinational corporations have more power than the elected president of the United States?” Carter paused, then said, “I learned that my first year in office.” Here we go again.

It’s too early to tell, but we may look back on the Obama presidency as a public mandate to move forward as a nation on the question of race. The paradox was that the underlying mandate was too sensitive to articulate as the main issue of the election, but it was there nonetheless. We transcended racism not because we had become “post-racial” but because racism was too controversial to discuss directly. Instead the Obama mandate was expressed elliptically as “change” and “hope,” phrases that glossed over deep differences about war and peace, the public sector versus the market, energy consumption versus energy conservation, secularism versus religion, all the confrontations labeled red versus blue.

It’s hard to advocate change when you are president. It’s hard to rally the grass-roots public instead of gradually being consumed as the conductor of a discordant orchestra of special interests.

His one chance, I believe, is to cast the first year of his presidency as a year when the interest groups were given their chance and rejected the message of change. Then Obama can launch a public process of diagnosing as obstacles the military contractors, the Wall Street bankers, the oil and gas complex, and the job-exporting corporations, for starters. He doesn’t have to rail against them (though Franklin Roosevelt did, with great success), because then he will be accused of being out of character, an opportunist. He can say instead that he tried to be reasonable, he tried to meet them part way, but they have stalled, instead of embraced, the mandate of change, that they seem to want to wait him out.

Words are crucial for public education, but even golden words won’t do. The president needs to be hands-on, like Michelle Obama in the organic garden, investing what resources are available in job-creating sectors, in preventive health care and emergency rooms, in making schools and colleges affordable, in budding high-tech entrepreneurs, thus building a new movement by making tangible differences in everyday lives. He needs to be more of a community organizer.

He needs to say briefly, without rhetoric, that he intends to end these two wars step by step, invest in domestic priorities, regulate Wall Street in the public interest, achieve health care for all Americans and a safer energy future with green jobs, whether it costs him the presidency or not. He should ask for some high-level resignations and appoint some progressive doers.

But he will consider this too radical a leap.

Instead, his advisers are likely to have him slog forward while the crisis deepens, hoping for Sarah Palin and the souring of the Tea Party by 2012, instead of Petraeus,

Tom Hayden teaches at Scripps College in Claremont, California, and is director of the Peace and Justice Resource Center.

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